What Happened on December 2 in Venezuela? A View from the Outside

When I booked tickets for a recent trip to Venezuela, I was looking forward to arriving in the midst of celebration. However, when I arrived in Caracas two days after the recent December 2, 2007 referendum, the atmosphere felt different. This was my fifth visit to Venezuela in the last four years, and it was the first time that the ambience felt, well – deflated. I spent the next three weeks talking to dozens of people from east to west – and was interested in the level of complex analysis and passionate opinion about what went wrong (or in the case of opposition supporters – what went right).

With an approximate 50/51-49% victory for the “No” campaign, it’s important to keep in perspective that the opposition made no real gains in this referendum, other than a boost in morale. Their level of support was more or less the same it has been in the last 9 votes since 1998 – this deserves some reflection. Regardless, watching the rabidly opposition television channel Globovision – you would think they had converted millions of revolutionaries to capitalism overnight.

It’s not so much that the “No” side won; rather, the big losers were the people who believe in and support President Hugo Chavez (still overwhelmingly the majority of the population). Here is my interpretation of what went wrong with the referendum, after talking to people in the cities and countryside in Venezuela in December (in no particular order of importance):

Crippling absention.

The level of abstention in the December 2 referendum was close to 50% -- that’s half of the country’s eligible voters. So, half of the country’s eligible voters decided this event just wasn’t important enough to turn up and vote. This reflects the trend in Venezuela toward “presidential” voting – preferring to turn out in big numbers for presidential elections, but let someone else decide who runs their cities, states, and in this case – letting someone else decide the future of their country.

Comando Razzamatazz

The “Yes” campaign organizers appointed by President Chavez, Comando Zamora, made some serious tactical errors. The central command of the campaign was orchestrated by Vice President Jorge Rodriguez, National Assembly deputies Carlos Escarrá, Gabriela Ramirez and Dario Vivas, President of Telesur, Andrés Izarra, Governor of Miranda State, Diosdado Cabello, Foreign Minister, Nicolas Maduro, Communications and Information Minister, William Lara, and his Vice-Minister Helena Salcedo.

In my judgment, the campaign made two serious tactical errors:

1) Too much razzamatazz, not enough door-to-door grassroots campaigning (translation = not enough participatory democracy). In true Chavista style, there were lots of flashy posters, billboards, red t-shirts and hats, mega-marches, slogans, and TV ads – but not enough grassroots campaigning and democratic debate.
2) More importantly, the “Yes” campaign relied on the fledgling PSUV to carry the word and organize local participation, when they should have enlisted the established grassroots communal councils, which are already operating in much of the country. The fledgling PSUV has barely solidified its presence, and has been plagued by internal problems.

Too much of a good thing?

Many people told me they found the wording of some of the proposals confusing, and that there were too many proposals – which caused additional confusion. The original slate consisted of 33 proposals by President Chavez. After a public process of debate, as well as three rounds of debate in the National Assembly, an additional 36 proposals were added. Many people I spoke with said they found the quantity overwhelming. The sheer volume may have caused some to give up in exasperation.

A well-funded, relentless, consistently disassociated opposition.

It’s no surprise that the opposition mounted a relentless and sustained campaign, funded by the US government and allies. Putting aside the sometimes ridiculous misinformation for a second, the opposition managed to effectively infiltrate its half-truths and manipulations into the innermost barrios of Caracas. They enlisted the wealthy student population of private universities who engaged in a number of violent protests that grabbed international media attention. The students were suppposedly funded and trained by US agencies and supported by opposition political parties (which, no doubt, their parents already support). It’s important to note that the opposition students represent approximately 5% of the total Venezuelan student population. In Sucre, I was told that the Podemos party paid people to campaign in communities against the reforms. The governor of Sucre state is from Podemos (formerly supporters of the government), and he waged a sustained campaign against the reforms. Interestingly, despite the well-funded “No” campaign, the “Yes” vote won in Sucre.

Wholesale anti-reform international media campaign.

The opposition media (which still control the majority of audience share in Venezuela) was instrumental, along with its international corporate media counterparts, in spreading rumours and misinformation.

Shamefully, the international media was an accomplice to the opposition in their misinformation campaign, including the CBC, the CTV, Globe and Mail, and Toronto Star here in Canada. The international media concentrated on the issues of continuous re-election, extended presidential periods, and centralization of control of the Central Bank of Venezuela; yet they ignored the large majority of reforms that would have decentralized power in Venezuela – giving more decision-making and administrative power to local people’s councils, and the benefits to workers, families and peasant farmers. When the “No” vote won – Venezuela was heralded as a bastion of democracy. Would the same margin of victory by the “Yes” vote have evoked the same empty rhetoric? If the ability to be continuously re-elected is OK for Stephen Harper – why is it off limits for Venezuela?

The contra-revolutionary bad seed within the revolution.

One of the most consistent complaints I heard from those I spoke to in Venezuela was the threat of the counter revolution within the revolution. Outside Caracas, the most common criticism was the undermining of the potential reforms by governors and mayors that supposedly support the Bolivarian government. Many feel that corrupt, red shirt wearing governors and mayors that are enjoying their new-found sense of power were not supportive of proposals that would see local popular power entrenched in the constitution, thereby, undermining their own power. Whether it is true or just well-placed rumour, corruption by bureaucrats and politicians is one of the key criticisms people have, and it is damaging the revolutionary movement.

And now for the good news.

Those that did vote “Yes” are not about to give up – particularly in the countryside, where the benefits of the revolution are slower in manifesting themselves, and where they have less comforts to lose than those in Caracas. In a small remote parish of Sucre state, to the peasant communities of Yaracuy, to the communal councils of Rio Tocuyo -- those that believe in the reforms are commited to seeing them through. This movement has begun already with the organization of a campaign to have them introduced through popular power (one of the four ways to introduce constitutional reforms). Reforms introduced by the people, through a serious and democratic grassroots debate, may be the best chance the revolution has to push forward.

Photo Journey V: The 1st Bolivarian Goat and Sheep Fair

Say what? What's with all the goats and sheep? Well, it's best to read the post below titled "Goats, Sheep and the Bolivarian Revolution" to understand the context.

Click "slideshow" for the best views at this link:

http://picasaweb.google.co.uk/jay.hartling/FeriaCaprinaBolivarianaCarora2007

Photo Journey IV: Cacao in Chuao

Venezuela produces some of the finest cocoa in the world - most of it is exported to Europe for processing into expensive chocolate. Jeff Moore of Just Us Coffee Roasters Coop says that the international chocolate industry "has been built by a handful of large multinationals with a disdainful history of slavery and quasi-slavery; and colonialism and neo-colonialism." I recently journeyed to Chuao, a remote former African slave colony close to Henri Pittier National Park in the northwest of Venezuela. This thriving little town, which can only be accessed by the sea, is home to a cocoa cooperative. Ironically, they are still selling their beans to french traders -- maybe not for long!!

Click on "slideshow" for the best views here:

http://picasaweb.google.co.uk/jay.hartling/CacaoChuao

Photo Journey Part III: Celebrating Democracy

This year was the second time I was able to attend celebrations on April 13, the day that democracy was restored in Venezuela. On April 11, 2002, a coup organized by ultra right-wing members of the opposition, the opposition media, the Catholic church hierarchy, a handful of military officers, and the business sector, backed by the US government attempted to overthrow the democratically-elected government of Hugo Chavez Frias. Led by former Chamber of Commerce president Pedro Carmona Estanga (dubbed "Carmona the Brief") they succeeded in dismantling the constitution, the courts, the national assembly and the rule of law for a brief 48 hours. By April 13, millions of people had taken to the streets to demand the return of the president they had elected. This year's (2007) celebration was vivid, joyous and very, very red. The theme was "Every 11th has its 13th."

Click on "slideshow" for the best views at this link:

http://picasaweb.google.co.uk/jay.hartling/Todo11TieneSu13Marcha2007

Photo Journey Part II: Communal Councils in Carora

You can read the article I wrote below (published in Venezuelanalysis, Green Left Weekly and El Milenio) on the communal councils in Carora.
http://bolivarianacanuck.blogspot.com/2007/07/city-of-future-building-popular-power.html

This link takes you to pictures of the people I interviewed and some of the projects I visited. Click on "slideshow" for the best views.

http://picasaweb.google.co.uk/jay.hartling/CommunalCouncilsCarora

Photo Journey Part I: Tourism Cooperatives in Venezuela

I was fortunate to visit a couple of tourism cooperatives on my most recent visit to Venezuela. The first was in Galipan, located in El Avila National Park in Caracas, although it was a total escape from the chaos of Caracas. Several families have come together to form a group of cooperatives - tourism (a posada and restaurant), education (a community centre), transportation and agriculture. This link will take you to a brief slide show of the experience. It is a beautiful place perched high in the mountains. On a clear day you have the whole Caribbean in front of you!! The last couple of photos are from another tourism cooperative in Sanare - Posada Los Cerritos. Click on "slideshow" for the best views.

http://picasaweb.google.co.uk/jay.hartling/Cooperatives

Goats, Sheep and the Bolivarian Revolution

I wrote this article while travelling and researching in Venezuela in April 2007. This is a reflection of the country's move toward agrarian reform, food security, endogenous production, local control, and communal power.

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Whoever said goats and sheep aren´t interesting? This weekend, I received my baptism into the world of popular participation in the world of small and medium-sized agricultural production, particularly goats and sheep. The municipality of Pedro Leon Torres, and the city of Carora in Venezuela is hosting the 1st Bolivarian Goat, Sheep, and Artesans Fair this weekend on the exposition grounds in Carora. This might seem mundane to some, but to the hundreds of small family farmers and producers that have gathered here, and to Torres´ Mayor Julio Chavez, it is an historic and poignant moment.

The local agricultural fair grounds, which have always been municipal property, have for years been the exclusive stomping grounds of the local agricultural oligarchy -- big ranchers who have controlled and dominated local production for centuries. The exposition grounds were their exclusive enclave. When Mayor Julio Chavez won the municipal elections two and a half years ago, the exposition grounds were reclaimed by the city and renamed simply ¨The Fair Grounds.¨ The municipal offices of citizen participation and popular power, the municipal water company and the institute of endogenous development now occupy the abandoned buildings. When they were kicked out, the oligarchs predicted the demise of the grounds; claimed that they would fall quickly into disrepair; and bragged that no-one had the capability of managing the grounds but them. They publicly called the poor farmers and the municipal government ¨pendejos¨ (in Venezuela, this roughly translates as idiot, in some other countries in Latin American, it has a different meaning). How wrong they were!! The offices bustle with activity and the presence of social promoters, communal council members, and local citizens – it´s hard to differentiate who is who. I was trying to remember the last time I felt truly welcome in my own municipal government offices.

At last night´s opening of the fair, Mayor Julio Chavez gave a rousing speech – saying that the fair grounds now belong to the people. He dedicated the fair to the hundreds of campesinos who have died as a result of latifundismo (enormous land holdings in private hands). More than 200 proud goat and sheep producers from four municipalities in the state of Lara paraded through the fair grounds, dressed in red, and trotting their best goats and sheep alongside them. Their faces beamed with the obvious pride that comes with recognition of their role in the endogenous agricultural production of the country and the government´s plan for food sovereignty and security. For example, currently, half of Venezuela´s milk is imported, and Venezuela´s milk consumption is far below the international requirements established by the United Nations (80:120 litres of milk per year). However, through a recent technology agreement with the government of Iran, Venezuela´s communal councils are opening and operating seven dairy product producing plants across the country to make up for the deficiency. The municipality is hoping that one of those seven plants will be located in Torres. The municipality of Torres also has signed agreements with the governments of the Canary Islands and Northern Brazil to share technology and the experiences of local goat producers. The goat producers are now enjoying the support of the national institutions for agricultural and production, as it should be.

The mayor spoke of how this is the first time in history where the historically marginalized goat producers, who have survived on goat production for over 400 years, will become the protagonists of economic liberation, creating a new economic model based on small and medium-scale endogenous production. Apparently, the goat has always been considered the ¨cow of the poor¨ – that is why these poor farmers were looked down upon for centuries. Mayor Luis Plaza from the neighbouring municipality of Jimenez recounts how supposed experts continue to question the nutritional value of goat milk and cheese, saying that its nutritional worth has yet to be proven. The farmers know otherwise, having survived on its vitamin-laden richness for centuries. The Mayor recounts how his own child was given goat milk to help cure muscular problems in her infancy.

Meanwhile, this weekend in Carora, the 208 local small scale producers will participate proudly in this Bolivarian Fair – judging their goats for milk production, holding workshops, sharing experiences, exchanging ideas. Personally, I can´t wait to sample the Coconut Goat, the milk and the delicious cheese developed right here by the goat producers of Venezuela in the State of Lara.